In the late spring of AD 125, after visiting Delphi and possibly spending some time in Dyrrachium (see here), Hadrian set sail to return to Rome, having completed a four-year journey across the western and eastern provinces. However, instead of sailing directly to Rome and embarking for Brundisium, he chose to sail to Sicily. This detour did not appear to have any political or military motives and seemed to be something he did for his personal interest. Drawn to the island’s natural beauty and mythical past, Hadrian decided to climb Mount Etna. His aim was to reach the summit to witness the sunrise over the Ionian Sea, which, according to the Historia Augusta, was “said to be like a rainbow”.

Afterwards he sailed to Sicily,⁠ and there he climbed Mount Aetna to see the sunrise, which is many-hued, they say, like the rainbow. HA. Hadr. 13.3

Sicily, the largest island in the Mediterranean, has long been celebrated as a land of gods and heroes, a place where myth and history blur into one majestic tapestry. The ancient Greeks loved travelling and treasured storytelling. Writers, poets and historians consumed these tales of gods, heroes and monsters, weaving them into epic tales of exploration and wonder. One of the biggest inspirations for these stories was Sicily’s unique geology, which gave rise to many legendary accounts explaining its most distinctive features through the exploits of heroic figures. Mount Etna was believed to be the forge of Hephaestus, the god of fire and craftsmanship. The roaring of the volcano was said to be the clanging of his hammer. The island was also the domain of Demeter and Persephone. When Hades abducted Persephone from the meadows of Enna, Demeter’s grief turned the land barren, an eternal myth that explains the seasons, rooted in the soil of Sicily.

[Demeter and Persephone] made this island their favourite retreat because it was cherished by them before all others. Diodorus Siculus, Libr. 5.3.1

Terracota head of Hades, from Morgantina, dated c. 350 BC. Archaeological Museum of Aidone, Sicily, Italy.

Terracotta bust of Persephone, from the southern sanctuary or Demeter at Morgantina, dated c. 330-300 BC,. Archaeological Museum of Aidone, Sicily, Italy.

Cyclops and Giants, children of Gaia, were said to roam these lands. Polyphemus, the one-eyed giant blinded by Odysseus, hurled massive rocks into the sea. The so-called Islands of the Cyclops, located off the eastern coast of Sicily, have their mythical origins in Homer’s Odyssey. It was here that the one-eyed giants once lived, the most infamous being Polyphemus, son of the sea god Poseidon.’ An even more celebrated story concerning Sicily’s coastline and seas also derives from Homer’s account of Odysseus’ adventures. In Homer’s epic tale, Odysseus must sail through a narrow channel, one that, in later tradition, was identified as the Strait of Messina, situated between the island of Sicily and the Italian mainland. Scylla was described as a six-headed monster, while Charybdis was a perilous whirlpool. Strabo, the ancient geographer, vividly describes this treacherous maritime feature:

And in the ship-channel, only a short distance off the city, is to be seen Charybdis,⁠ a monstrous deep, into which the ships are easily drawn by the refluent currents of the strait and plunged prow-foremost along with a mighty eddying of the whirlpool; and when the ships are gulped down and broken to pieces, the wreckage is swept along to the Tauromenian shore, which, from this occurrence, is called Copria. Strabo 6, 2.268-9

Sicily was a culturally rich and strategically important island influenced by waves of colonisation and indigenous development. By the 8th century BC, Greek settlers had established powerful city-states such as Syracuse, Agrigentum, and Gela, bringing with them art, philosophy, and architecture. At the same time, Phoenician traders founded colonies along the western coast, including Motya, which led to conflict and competition for dominance. These influences transformed Sicily into a cultural crossroads where Greek, Phoenician, and native traditions intersected. The island frequently became a battleground, particularly during the Sicilian Wars between the Greeks and Carthaginians. This complex mosaic of peoples and rival powers made Sicily both wealthy and unstable, ultimately setting the stage for its conquest by Rome after the First Punic War.

Sicily was annexed by the Romans in 241 BC, at the end of the First Punic War, making it the Republic’s first province and a strategic foothold in the Mediterranean. Rich in agriculture, especially grain, the island was dubbed “Rome’s granary,” feeding the growing needs of the capital and its armies. Over 700 years of Roman rule, roads, aqueducts, and amphitheatres were built, making Sicilian cities such as Syracuse, Agrigentum, and Catania essential to the empire’s economic and cultural framework.

Despite these advancements, the island faced harsh taxation and exploitation by Roman governors, which led to unrest, including the famous Servile Wars, where enslaved people revolted. Nevertheless, Sicily remained a vital part of Roman power, serving as a base for military campaigns and a crossroads of commerce. With the establishment of six Roman coloniae by Augustus for his veterans (Syracuse, Tauromenium, Panormus, Catania, Tyndaris, and Thermae Himerenses), Sicily experienced a significant influx of Latin speakers, leading to the development of Latin-Greek bilingualism, a trend that continued until the Byzantine period. 

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The emperor’s flotilla presumably landed at the harbour of the most important city on the island, Syracuse, before heading north to Etna, the highest (3,330 metres) and most active volcano in Europe (Birley, 1997). Hadrian’s ascent, as recorded in the Historia Augusta, is the sole direct ancient account of Hadrian’s climb, and no further details are provided regarding the ascent. A passage from Strabo’s Geography (Strab. 6.2.8) indicates that the ascent to the mountain took place from the southwest side through the city of Aetna, which was located in the vicinity of the present-day Paternò. Strabo did not climb the mountain (unlike Vesuvius, which he seems to have ascended, 5.4.8) but relied on a contemporary eyewitness report.

Near Centoripa is the town of Aetna, which was mentioned a little above, whose people entertain and conduct those who ascend the mountain; for the mountain summit begins here. The upper districts are bare and ash-like and full of snow during the winter, whereas the lower are divided up by forests and plantations of every sort. (Strabo, Geography 6.2.8)

Etna is certainly the volcano with the longest recorded history and was a subject of interest among various ancient authors. The earliest known account of a volcanic eruption is recorded in Pindar’s Pythian 1 (474 BC), which provides a mythological explanation for the volcanic activity of the eruption. A similar account is also found in Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound (circa 456 BC), where Typhon, buried underneath Mount Etna, is linked to the eruption. Another large eruption occurred in 396 BC, with a significant lava flow reaching the sea on Etna’s northeastern base. Diodorus Siculus notes that this eruption thwarted the Carthaginian army’s advance on Syracuse during the Second Sicilian War (Diod. 14.59). In 122 BC, a violent Plinian eruption resulted in heavy tephra falls and large ash clouds that darkened the sky for three days. This eruption devastated the ancient town of Catania, causing fires, roof collapses, and obscuring the sun behind a thick cloud of ash. Orosius, Cicero, and Seneca documented the destruction. Due to the extensive damage, the Roman government exempted Catania from taxes for ten years.

The volcano was quite active during the 1st century BC, with four recorded eruptions occurring between 49 and 32 BC. A significant eruption took place in 44 BC, and a volcanic cloud began to form sometime after Julius Caesar’s death on March 15. The immediate effects of this eruption in Rome included well-documented atmospheric phenomena, most notably a darkening of the sun around the time of Caesar’s death, including the appearance of three suns in the sky and a wreath-like “halo” around the sun (Dio. 45.17.5). The Roman poet Virgil directly associated the phenomenon with an eruption of Etna (Verg. G. 1.466). The effects of this eruption were global, causing cold weather, snowfall, and famines in the Mediterranean and as far away as China (however, an eruption of Alaska’s Okmok volcano early the following year is a more likely cause). More eruptions in 36 and 32 BC were particularly violent (Appian, Civil Wars 5.117; Dio, 50.8.3). The account of ancient eruptions concludes with Suetonius, who noted that Mount Etna was active in AD 40. Due to its activity, the mountain and its slopes are constantly changing, a phenomenon well-known in antiquity and mentioned by Strabo (6.2.8).

The topmost parts of the mountain appear to undergo many changes because of the way the fire distributes itself, for at one time the fire concentrates in one crater, but at another time divides, while at one time the mountain sends forth lava, at another, flames and fiery smoke, and at still other times it also emits red-hot masses. (Strabo, Geography 6.2.8)

During the Roman period, a culture of volcanic tourism developed around Mount Etna. In his work Natural Questions, Seneca discusses the volcanic phenomena of Mount Etna (2.30.1) and encourages his friend Lucilius to climb the volcano on his behalf in their correspondence (Letter 79.2). This suggests that ascending the volcano was a common practice at that time. Pausanias also notes that visitors would throw precious objects into the craters of Etna, believing it to be a favourable omen if the fire consumed the offering (3.23.9). However, the most explicit reference to climbing Mount Etna in ancient texts is attributed to Hadrian.

Reaching the summit craters of Mount Etna must have been an extraordinary challenge at the time, probably requiring several days of arduous hiking. Hadrian’s journey likely started at Aetna, located at the foot of the volcano, and followed local trails. He may have been accompanied by guides, local shepherds, or Sicilian mountaineers who were familiar with the volcano’s unpredictable nature. The dirt tracks would have first wind through the fertile lower slopes, lined with terraced vineyards and olive orchards. At crossroads along the way, there may have been shrines dedicated to Vulcan or local spirits, where offerings could be made for a safe ascent. As the group climbed higher, the lush greenery gradually gave way to stark lava flows and barren fields of volcanic stones from past eruptions. The path became more treacherous, and the air grew cooler and thinner. Near the summit, snow may still cling to the ground, even in spring. At the main crater, Hadrian may have witnessed incredible displays of sulfurous fumes and rumbling sounds.

As Hadrian stood facing east, the dawn light gradually illuminated the sky, creating a rainbow of colours that stretched across the horizon. Far below, the Ionian Sea began to shimmer, coming alive with the brilliance of the morning light.

Some scholars have identified a trace of Hadrian’s passage on the volcano in the structure known as the Torre del Filosofo (“Tower of the Philosopher”), located at an altitude of 2920 m and visible until 1971, the year an eruption destroyed it. The architectural style of the remains, which resembles Roman construction techniques, has led to the assumption that Hadrian was the builder. The Torre del Filosofo is traditionally associated with the 5th-century BC philosopher Empedocles of Akragas, who, according to tradition, jumped into the volcano in an attempt to achieve immortality.

Strabo recounted the death of Empedocles, noting that his fate was revealed when one of his sandals “was found, they say, a short distance outside the rim of the crater, as though it had been thrown up by the force of the fire” (6.2.8). However, Strabo questioned the validity of this story, arguing that it was physically impossible due to the extreme heat and nature of the volcano’s crater. Horace also refers to the version that Empedocles died at Mount Etna:

Desiring to be considered an immortal god , Empedocles leaped in cold blood into fiery Etna (Horace, Ars Poetica, 464-466)

The Torre del Filosofo on Mount Etna was first documented by historian and antiquarian Tommaso Fazello in 1573 as vestiges of antiquity. It was described as having a square base made of bricks, measuring approximately 2.44 metres on each side and standing 76 centimetres high. Above this square base, a circular second level was constructed using cement and lava stones. The walls were adorned with marble slabs secured in place by metal clamps. During the excavations, fragments of both marble and clamps were discovered. The presence of marble cladding, pieces of Latin inscriptions, and the relative precision of the masonry indicate that this is a Roman-style construction. According to 19th-century scholars, this style aligns with the period of Hadrian’s reign.

19th-century scholars interpreted the tower as a monument commemorating Hadrian’s ascent of Mount Etna or as one that was erected to accommodate him. It may also have been a memorial constructed by Hadrian in honour of Empedocles.

Hadrian’s climb of Mount Etna seems to have deepened his passion for mountain climbing. Five years later, while in Syria, he was to ascend Mount Casius, which stands at 1,620 metres and is associated with Zeus. Once again, the Emperor aimed to witness the sunrise. However, according to the Historia Augusta, he was caught in a thunderstorm. As he sacrificed at the summit, a thunderbolt struck both the sacrificial victim and his attendant (HA. Hadr. 14.3).

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While in Sicily, Hadrian may have stayed in Centuripae, located on the southwest side of Mount Etna, with his friend Quintus Pompeius Falco, whose family hailed from there (Birley, 1997). Cicero described the city, perhaps with some exaggeration, as the largest and richest in Sicily, boasting a population of 10,000 people engaged in the cultivation of an extensive agricultural territory (Verr. 2.4.23). Situated on an elevated terrain overlooking fertile valleys, Centuripae experienced significant economic growth due to its strong agricultural production and thriving commerce. The city was well-known for producing grain, wine, and saffron, a luxury product highly valued in ancient times for both culinary and medicinal uses. Pliny the Elder recognised Centuripe’s saffron as one of the best varieties in the Roman Empire (NH 21.17).

The presence of wealthy landowners and merchants further contributed to economic development. Prominent families, particularly the Pompeii and Roscii, with many members attaining senatorial status, maintained ties to Centuripe and commissioned works, contributing to the city’s rich cultural life, as evidenced by public buildings and monuments. The Pompeii family, including Q. Pompeius Falco, had a significant presence in Centuripe and Rome.

The presence of wealthy landowners and merchants further contributed to Centuripe’s economic development. Prominent families, particularly the Pompeii and Roscii, had many members who attained senatorial status. They maintained strong ties with Centuripe and commissioned various works that enriched the city’s cultural life. The Pompeii family, especially Q. Pompeius Falco, had a considerable influence in both Centuripe and Rome (Prado, 2024).

Pompeius Falco had a distinguished political career. He began his senatorial career under Domitian as a military tribune with the Rhine legions. Under Trajan, he served as consul suffectus in 108, governed Lower Moesia between 115 and 118, was awarded military honours (donis militaribus) for his role in the Dacian Wars, and under Hadrian governed Britannia between 118 and 122, concluding his career as proconsul in Asia around 123/124. The abundant epigraphical evidence suggests that the Pompeii family was prominent in the elite society of early imperial Centuripae, indicating their ancestral home and the location of their estates (Eck, 1996). The family, who had probably been granted Roman citizenship by Pompey the Great and formed strategic alliances through adoption and marriage with other elite families (the Prisci, Sosii and Falcones), left their mark on the urban fabric of their home city by commissioning public buildings, monuments, mosaics, statues, and tombs (Prado, 2024).

The most conspicuous example of their impact on Centuripae’s topography is the series of honorific statues, complete with identifying inscriptions, all dedicated by Falco’s son, Pompeius Sosius Priscus, who achieved the consulship in AD 149 (Pfuntner, 2013). His paternal grandmother, Clodia Falconilla (see here), and paternal uncle, Q. Pompeius Priscus (see here), as well as his daughter, Pompeia Sosia Falconilla, were commemorated in the cycle. The statues may have been dedicated in the forum of Centuripae, in a building dating back to the 2nd century AD, around the time of Hadrian and the Antonines, which included other statues of emperors, members of the imperial family, and civic benefactors (Prado, 2024).

The portion of the forum excavated to date consists of the Building of the Augustales, a meeting place for the Augustales, a group of priests dedicated to the imperial cult. The very name “Edificio degli Augustales” is linked to the discovery of an inscription composed of two fragments with a dedication to the Lares Augusti (the household deities that protected the Emperor) by a quadrumvir responsible for maintaining the imperial cult.

Images of emperors and members of the imperial family would have surrounded the over-life-size statues of the Pompeii. Indeed, the area of the forum was filled with statues of Augustus, Julio-Claudian emperors, and members of the imperial family (see here). A colossal head of Hadrian was also found nearby, perhaps indicating a connection to Sicily and possibly to Centuripae following the Emperor’s visit.

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The coins minted later in Hadrian’s reign praise him as restorer (restitutor) of Sicily and commemorate his arrival (adventus) on the island. One of these coins features Hadrian, draped in a garment, raising the female personification of Sicilia, who wears a triskelion on her head, a long-established iconographic association. In her left hand, she holds ears of corn. The inscription “RESTITVTORI SICILIAE” surrounds the scene, with the abbreviation “S C” (“Senatus Consulto”) in the exergue. The second example shows the Emperor in a short military tunic and boots, greeting the personification of Sicilia, who again wears a triskelion and carries ears of corn in her left hand. This coin is inscribed with the legend “ADVENTVI AVG SICILIAE”. A third and rare coin, the “Province Type”, represents Sicily, depicted as a triskelion with a medusa head as its central motif. The legend SICILIA surrounds the figure.

Although Hadrian was praised as ‘restorer’ of the province, celebrating his restoration of Sicily, there is no concrete evidence, either literary, epigraphic, or archaeological, of Hadrian initiating or funding major architectural projects on the island. The coin issue was more ideological and propagandistic rather than tied to specific acts of munificence or construction. However, significant urban and architectural developments occurred during the 2nd century AD in Taormina (Roman Tauromenium), Syracuse, and Catania, reflecting the architectural and cultural trends of the Hadrianic period. Notable examples include the spectacular Hellenistic theatre of Taormina, which underwent a major renovation and expansion in the late Trajanic and early Hadrianic periods, resulting in the entirely brick structure that is visible today.

Similar architectural advancements also occurred in cities like Syracuse (Siracusa) and Catania (Catina) during this period. The most visible monuments of imperial Catina, located just south of Mount Etna along the Ionian coast, are buildings devoted to entertainment, leisure, and spectacle. These include the theatre-odeum complex in the centre of the ancient city and, on its northern edge, the amphitheatre, as well as numerous bath complexes scattered throughout the urban centre. The theatre, originally constructed in the late 1st century BC, underwent alterations or renovations at numerous points during the imperial period, the exact dates of which are difficult to establish with certainty. However, after smaller-scale works datable to the Augustan/Julio-Claudian and Flavian periods, the most dramatic renovations, focusing on the scaenae frons with imported stones and elaborate friezes, took place during the Hadrianic and Trajanic periods (Pfuntner, 2013). The amphitheatre, located on the northeastern edge of town, was built in two phases. The first building erected in the 1st century AD was very small and included only the inner ambulatory and the corresponding part of the cavea. Under Hadrian, the building was significantly expanded with the construction of the external ambulatory. With a diameter of 125 x 105 metres and a cavea that could hold 15,000 spectators, it was one of the largest amphitheatres in the Roman Empire.

In Syracuse, there were no completely new constructions during the Hadrianic period, but existing buildings were renovated and expanded. Most notably, the amphitheatre underwent significant renovations, including the addition of a marble parapet, and the Greek theatre’s orchestra was adapted to host aquatic spectacles. However, this transformation may have occurred slightly later (Pfuntner, 2013).

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After his volcanic ascent and, perhaps, a brief inspection of eastern Sicily, Hadrian resumed his journey to Rome. Hadrian was to revisit Sicily in 128 while on his way to Africa. The sole piece of evidence of Hadrian having visited the province again is an inscription dedicated to a young senator from Aquileia, T Caesernius Quinctianus, son of a high-ranking procurator from the previous reign, who became a comes Augusti per Siciliam Africam et Mauretaniam, or a companion of Hadrian during his tour of Sicily, Africa and Mauretania (CIL V, 865). This time, the Emperor may have visited the western end of the island, which was in the direction of Africa.

The exact route Hadrian took from Sicily to the capital is only a matter of speculation. He may have travelled by sea to Puteoli and then continued along the Via Appia or directly to Ostia. An alternative possibility is that he sailed to Tarentum to connect with the Via Appia and then travelled northward into Beneventum. Birley notes that some evidence of Hadrian’s activities in the region may date back to his journey, such as his appointment of a curator operum publicorum (public works manager) in Venusia, a station on the Via Appia (ILS 6485). In Beneventum, he entrusted one Ennius Firmus, a local man, to supervise the construction of baths (curator operis thermarum, CIL IX 1419). He awarded Aeclanum the status of colonia (colonia Aelia Augusta Aeclanum, CIL IX 1111) and a citizen of the town, Gaius Eggius Ambibulus, was set to become consul ordinarius alongside Marcus Annius Verus (who would later become Marcus Aurelius) the following year.

Two years prior, Hadrian had collaborated with farmers to improve the Via Appia between Aeclanum and Beneventum (about 15 Roman miles), for which the Emperor paid 1,147,000 sesterces, whereas the possessores agrorum (farmers) contributed 569,000 sesterces to restore a section of the road over 15 3⁄4 miles (CIL IX 6075, 6072). Milestones bearing his name were erected along the restored road and marked with the number of miles from Rome. One particular milestone indicates the distance of CLXXIIII miles from Rome (see here).

Hadrianus Aug. Pont. Max. Trib. Pot. VII Cos. III Viam Appiam per millia passus XV DCCL longa vetustate amissam adiectis HS |XI|XLVII ad HS DLXIXC quae possessores agrorum contulerunt fecit.

Beneventum was an important station along the Via Appia. It became a municipium in 86 BC, and Roman veterans were settled there by Augustus and Nero in the 1st century AD. Trajan constructed a new road from Beneventum to Brundisium, known as the Via Traiana. This new branch of the Appian Way provided a shorter route through the mountains east of Benevento to the Adriatic coast. Completed by Hadrian shortly after the death of his predecessor, the Arch of Trajan commemorated the opening of the Via Traiana. The Arch is a single, barrel-vaulted monumental arch resembling the earlier Arch of Titus in Rome in form and proportion; however, it is more richly decorated, with relief panels covering both facades of the Trajanic arch. On one of the reliefs is represented Trajan, accompanied by Hadrian and followed by lictors in the act of being received by Rome together with two consuls and penates.

From Beneventum, the imperial party could have continued to proceed along the Via Appia or through the Samnite country on the ancient road connecting Beneventum to Corfinium with a stop at Saepinum, home of the influential Neratii family (Birley, 1997). Whichever way he went, each city that he entered would put on a ceremony of greeting and petitions would be presented. The emperor’s arrival in the capital was celebrated with public prayers for his safe return, and coins were minted to commemorate his impending return, showing the Genius of the Senate and the Genius of the Roman people sacrificing before an altar, with the legend v(ota) s(uscepta) pro red(itu), i.e. vows offered up for the desired safe homecoming. Neptune also dominated the coinage, referred to as NEP RED for Neptunus Redux or homebringer (Abdy, 2019). Finally, an impressive sestertius of Hadrian haranguing the citizens in the forum was probably an elaborate Adventus type associated with the Emperor’s return to Rome (Abdy, 2019).

It may be assumed that his entry to the city was festive, and an imperial act of generosity, often in the form of cash handouts to the Roman populace, may have followed. Indeed, connected to his return is a coin commemorating the Emperor’s fourth Liberality (largesse), probably given soon after (RIC II.3 822).

There were numerous large building projects for Hadrian to inspect. Most notably, the reconstruction of the Pantheon was completed in all its magnificence and was likely dedicated around this time. The Temple of Venus and Roma, one of Rome’s largest temples, may have begun its planning or was in the early stages of construction. Additionally, a massive new temple dedicated to the Deified Trajan and Plotina was in progress. There was also a massive new temple of the Deified Trajan and Plotina, which he had commissioned at the very beginning of his reign (see here).

Hadrian was not only constructing in Rome; an even more enticing architectural marvel awaited him at Tibur, where his private country retreat continued to develop. A passage in the Historia Augusta, the only description of the Villa that survives in Roman literature, reports that Hadrian named some of the buildings in his Villa after celebrated places and monuments he had seen on his travels.

His villa at Tibur⁠ was marvellously constructed, and he actually gave to parts of it the names of provinces and places of the greatest renown, calling them, for instance, Lyceum, Academia, Prytaneum, Canopus, Poecile and Tempe. And in order not to omit anything, he even made a Hades. HA. Hadr. 26.5

The first phase of construction, which saw the most significant amount of building activity, took place between AD 118 and Hadrian’s return from the East. Hadrian stayed at the Villa during the summer of 125 and intended to stay there for some time. We have evidence of Hadrian’s writing activity at his magnificent villa. A letter to Delphic Amphictyony in response to a previous letter (see here) was written in August/September “from his house at Tibur” (CID 4:152bis).

Hadrian was to remain in his imperial villa until he embarked on his second journey in 128, only interrupted by a five-month tour of northern Italy to the valley of the River Padus (Po Valley) in AD 127 to inspect the region and its infrastructure. It is highly likely that Antinous, who had met while travelling through Bithynia the year before (see here), was now living with him.

Sources & references:

• Fuduli, L. and Salamone, G. (2015). Hadrianus Restitutor Siciliae, in Mélanges de l’École française de Rome – Antiquité [Online], 127-1 (link)
• Muscolino, F. (2003). La Torre del Filosofo sull’Etna, in Santuari e luoghi di culto nell’Italia antica, Roma, 2003 (Atlante tematico di topografia antica, Atta, 12), p. 279- 285.
• Forsyth, P. Y. (1988). In the Wake of Etna, 44 B.C. Classical Antiquity, 7(1), 49–57. (link)
• McConnell, J.R.; Sigl, M.; Plunkett, G.; et al. (2020). Extreme climate after massive eruption of Alaska’s Okmok volcano in 43 BCE and effects on the late Roman Republic and Ptolemaic Kingdom. Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A.
• Muscolino, F. (2003). La Torre del Filosofo sull’Etna. In Atlante tematico di topografia antica: Santuari e luoghi di culto nell’Italia antica (pp. 280–285).
• Eck, W. (1996). Senatorische Familien der Kaiserzeit in der Provinz Sizilien. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 113, 109–128. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.
• Pfuntner, L. E. (2013). The changing urban landscape of Roman Sicily [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. University of California, Berkeley Graduate Division.
• Prado, F. (2024). Territorio, monumenti e contesti di rinvenimento: panoramica su Centuripe ellenistico-romana. Retrieved from https://www.iris.unict.it/handle/20.500.11769/641397
• Fuduli, L., & Salamone, G. (2015). Hadrianus Restitutor Siciliae: Documenti monetali ed evidenza archeologica. MEFRA, 127(1), 201–215.
• Abdy, R. (2019). Roman Imperial Coinage Volume II, Part 3: From AD 117 to AD 138 – Hadrian (The Roman Imperial Coinage)

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