We need to rethink how we talk about climate change » Yale Climate Connections


by Michael Svoboda, Yale Climate Connections
September 25, 2026

Even the most cynical viewer of “An Inconvenient Truth,” the 2006 documentary by former Vice President Al Gore on climate change, would probably not have predicted that, 20 years later, the White House would be occupied by a climate denier. For the second time.

How — after all the pictures of red-topping thermometers, melting icebergs, starving polar bears, swirling hurricanes, burning rainforests and bleaching corals — could that have happened? And what do we do now? 

Casual reflection would suggest that if we’ve been working on a problem for 20 years, and more, and we’re still this far away from a solution, then maybe we should try something different.

Following this line of thought led “pissed” millennial Will Hackman to write his new book, “Radically Reframing Climate Change: A Guide to Saving Ourselves” (Bloomsbury Publishing 2026). In it, he draws on a career that includes U.S. political campaigns, strategic communication, public policy advocacy, coalition building, climate activism, and global environmental conservation. His 2022 TEDX talk, “The Future of Climate Change Is Personal,” previewed some of this work; he continues to develop and present his ideas through his column on Substack, “Reframing Climate Change to Save Ourselves.” He lives in the Shenandoah Valley in Virginia with his wife, Paula.

Yale Climate Connections spoke with Hackman via Zoom. 

The transcript has been edited for clarity and concision. If you purchase a book through a link on this page, a percentage of the proceeds funds our journalism.

Michael Svoboda: Your book is very straightforwardly titled “Radically Reframing Climate Change.” What was your path to this project? What did you experience that led you to conclude that a radical reframing was in order, and that you might be the one to do it?

Will Hackman: I have done a number of different things in my life. I’ve been a salmon fisherman in Alaska and a crab fisherman in the Bering Sea. I’ve seen how those industries changed, how the ocean has changed.  

I volunteered at a disaster relief distribution center in Waveland, Mississippi, after Hurricane Katrina hit. I saw firsthand the destruction of climate change.

Then I worked in American politics, in the Midwest, as a political fundraiser and campaign manager.

And I’ve been part of the environmental conservation community for over 13 years.

Combining these experiences and perspectives, I approached the book with a basic question. Can I develop a theory for why we have not solved the issue of climate change? Then, with that theory in hand, can I provide evidence and data to show what we need to do next: identify, organize, mobilize?

Svoboda: This task is formidable: We have to lower emissions even as we meet rising demands for energy.

Hackman: Yes. We have to understand that energy demand is growing in the United States; it’s growing all around the world. All told, it’s going to quadruple.

We could meet that demand with wind and solar. These are now the cheapest and fastest and easiest ways to deploy new electricity generation.

But the fossil fuel infrastructure around the world is massive. It’s trillions of dollars of sunk costs. So it’s not surprising that the industry is always trying to divert us from clean energy solutions.

Svoboda: But to redirect ourselves, we have to acknowledge that climate change has become a political, social-psychological, and attention problem. When we deal with climate change, we have to overcome several obstacles: polarization, due to our politics; psychological paralysis, due to our anxiety and doomism; and stale messaging, due to the ways we’ve habitually talked about climate change.

Hackman: Right. We have to reach different audiences. And to do that, we have to speak in different ways. First, however, we have to bust some myths.

Movements are built on myths. Myths form collective senses of identities and values.

Some may have been appropriate at one time, perhaps for another environmental problem, but they’re not helpful now.  

The first myth is “The Myth of the Individual Carbon Footprint,” which was created by BP in the early 2000s when they hired a public relations firm to shift the blame away from them and onto their customers. And it’s worked brilliantly.

We have engaged in the blame-and-shame game of individual carbon footprints for the last 30 years. It hasn’t worked. It continues to divide people. It’s a distraction from the systems-based solutions that we need.

The second myth is “The Myth of Reversing Climate Change.” What does it look like to win the campaign of climate change? For me, it’s the Paris Agreement goal: 2 degrees Celsius by the year 2100. Hopefully, we don’t get to 2 degrees until 2100 — it’s 1.3 now — but that is a hotter world than the one we live in now.

Svoboda: In other words, we’re never returning to the climate we knew 20, 30, or 50 years ago. Even if we “solve” the problem of climate change, we will still be living in a warmer climate, a hotter world. What’s the last myth?

Hackman: The last myth is “The Myth of Saving the Planet.” The language of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, of the Paris Agreement, and of the EPA is human-centric. We have to remind ourselves of that. We’re not trying to save the planet; we’re trying to save ourselves. We’re trying to save our quality of life, our health in a warming world. If we fail to solve climate change, we will be in trouble, but Earth will be fine.

Svoboda: So what do we do to save ourselves?

Hackman: We have to get very specific about what will improve our lives and communities. Will this public policy solution benefit the community? How much will it cost? Will it be effective? For every problem, we have to ask about personal benefit, effectiveness, and cost.

But too often, we get stuck in this 30,000-foot conversation about believing in climate change.

We need to pull back down into localized conversations about what we want to do in this community; then we have to have effective conversations with these people about this specific thing that will impact them.

Svoboda: I want to come back to that. You stress several times in your book, and you just now implied, that maybe we shouldn’t use the words “climate change” in every conversation. Are you suggesting that we should be more sympathetic to the corporations that are still doing the work of sustainability, including climate measures, but talking about it in other terms?

Hackman: I’m a campaigner. Every successful campaign has to think not just about what it wants to say but also what its audience will hear. 

In their “Global Warming’s Six Americas” studies, the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication has identified patterns in American responses to climate change. We have the Alarmed and Concerned: 52% of Americans, people who already care about climate change. I am more concerned about the Cautious [17%], the Disengaged [6%], and even the Doubtful [13%], the people who, based on Yale’s research, are still open to climate conversations. But because the issue is so polarized, we have to talk to these less engaged communities in different ways. Editor’s note: The Yale Program on Climate Change Communication is the publisher of this site.

I have one question for every climate communicator out there: What are you doing to expand your audience? Or are you just repeating the same messages to the same people all day, every day and, thereby, contributing to the politics of outrage?

This is our reframing moment. We have to figure out how to reach new audiences. And that may mean not always using the words “climate change.” 

We can instead talk about resilience, about flood preparations, about disaster planning. We can talk about safety or health consequences. I was diagnosed with asthma recently — I never had it growing up. But I’ve breathed in a lot of wildfire smoke in Virginia, where I now live. I have lots of conversations with the conservatives and Trump supporters who live next door: They are concerned about air quality and water quality. We can take actions together even if we don’t say the same words.

Svoboda: And you argue those joint efforts could take place at many different levels: local, regional, state, and federal.

Hackman: Yes. When you’re presenting solutions, you have to make the connections clear: problem/solution, problem/solution. This is the campaign mindset.

But to enact change at the personal, community, or federal levels, one has to feel empowered. So I also write about how can we think more optimistically, how we can make our voices and votes matter, how can we build spaces for change.

You may not think that it’s important to go to a town council meeting, or to a board of supervisors meeting, but I can show you how these small steps can lead to dramatic results, especially now when the federal government has abdicated responsibility.

The biggest pressure that you can exert personally is on your local elected officials. Talk with them about climate change. And if you work with others in organized groups, you can be part of climate conversations at state and even federal levels.

But we can’t base our worldview on momentary crises. We have to shift to systemic, longer-term thinking about how we want to change the world around us. Are there ways, better ways, to address the problems we know a changing climate will bring?

Svoboda: Trump was re-elected shortly before you finished writing your book. You were able to comment on the first few months of his new term. You note that Trump very quickly reversed many of the climate steps taken under Biden. It’s been a year since you submitted your manuscript. How do things look now?

Hackman: I’ve seen transitions between presidencies before. Everything I put into the book is intended to pass the test of time.

I projected that there would be renewed attacks on the Inflation Reduction Act and on our public lands and rivers, and that’s what we’ve seen. We lost 200 gigawatts of new clean energy capacity that would have been added to the grid over the next five to 10 years, projects that were already financed and scheduled. And we’re using more public sector money, billions of dollars, to not build that energy. That’s insane!

But that’s the politics of backlash. We can predict that politics. We know that when things go in one direction, they’re going to go back in the other.

We advocates have to understand the long-term process.

Svoboda: Let’s end at the beginning of your book. One of the most powerful parts of your book for me was your brief scenario about a summer day in Texas in 2100.

The daily high was going to hit 130 degrees, but the narrator just took it in stride.

Hackman: This gets back to what we were saying earlier: we have to build space for the world to be hotter. In my scenario, it’s a 2 degrees Celsius world in 2100. But we’ve already seen 120 degrees in Las Vegas in July of 2024. We’ve seen 110 degrees in Virginia. We’ve seen 115-degree heat indexes in Washington, D.C. That’s at our current level of warming.

I posit that 130 degrees could be a realistic scenario in 2100 in some places under some conditions. The person in my scenario wakes up in a nice home, drinks a cup of coffee, reads the morning news, and goes to work in their personal, autonomous, and electric vehicle — which is charged by the solar road it drives on. This is a thriving human society that meets the goals of the Paris Agreement. But it’s going to take a lot of work — and rapid decarbonization.

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